His decision to remain in his capital Kyiv, while broadcasting a stream of defiant messages through social media channels has undoubtedly inspired his own people to fight and defend their country against great odds. His mostly sure-footed use of traditional media and direct messaging to parliaments and congresses around the world has almost certainly ensured the flow of cash and materiel to help in the fight.
Set against this, the image of raw Russian brutality, spiced with a helping of incompetence and overreach, has set an irresistible David and Goliath scenario for much of the Western media, amplified by so many Twitter feeds and Insta postings.
It is easy to conclude from that, that Ukraine is winning the propaganda struggle.
Dr Zac Rogers, Research Lead at the Jeff Bleich Centre for the US Alliance in Digital Technology, Security, and Governance (JBC) at Flinders University of South Australia says we should seriously question that assumption. “There are a great many information wars, which we can describe perhaps as contests for narrative within a specified and assigned context,” he says.
But while there is a plurality of information wars and contests with respect to the war in Ukraine and the Russians prosecution of it, none is a global winner. Dr Rogers cites recent research tracking a Russian propaganda campaign on Twitter using the hashtag #IStandWithRussia, which began at the beginning of March. The researchers tracked its strength, not in the Western world, but how it played out on computer networks in Africa, parts of Asia, South America and Central America and found the message was often given widespread, uncritical approval there.
“We as Westerners live and interact within a curated information environment that is very much geared towards our values, and the things that we think are important,” says Dr Rogers.
“So, we get a story that Ukrainians are brave, they're on the verge of winning, and Russia is on the verge of capitulating, and Putin has maybe gone mad. But it's really interesting to watch and learn about the narrative that is pushed outside of the Western world.”
Dr Rogers says we shouldn’t be surprised – that’s just how the internet works and any discussion of information war or contests for narrative has to take that into account. More importantly for the current situation in Ukraine, this understanding sheds light in the growing phenomenon of open source intelligence and how amateurs, professionals and everyone in between have been observing, commenting, and participating in the conflict in Ukraine via social media.
Five problems of open-source intelligence
This presents five problems, says Dr Rogers, with serious implications for democratic nations. The first problem is verification – we need some way of verifying the source of the data – and the second, simulation, makes verification all the more difficult. These days any information can be simulated in inauthentic ways, ‘fake news’ if you like.
The third issue for Dr Rogers is curation. “Algorithmic governance systems structure the information in a way that basically means we see more of what we have seen before,” Dr Rogers says. “That basic structure was developed to effectively manage the information glut problem. So that's just a structural feature of how the internet works.”
This has real ramifications for open-source intelligence. “There's a real emerging industry with regard to aggregation of data, with products and services claiming to tell you something meaningful out of that data, whether it's social media or search data. It has to be viewed with the deepest of skepticism because of all those problems upstream, from verification, simulation and curation.”
And these problems have an impact much more far-reaching than unreliable intelligence. “This is what I mean by the fourth problem – erosion,” says Dr Rogers. “I see all of those problems culminating in a threat to the political legitimacy of our of our institutions. Democracy is based in liberal traditions of deliberation and persuasion. That’s how we derive procedural legitimacy in our democracy. But with the with the emergence of algorithmic governance in these spaces, not only in open source intelligence and information wars, that legitimacy is eroded.”
Ironically, one of the solutions to this problem – automation – is set to just make the problem more acute. “There's a very strong push within the tech industry to handle all of these problems, and processes over to automated algorithms, and the idea that you can just do that and not expect significant problems with political legitimacy is fanciful.”
So, will this inflection point spur a more in-depth inquiry into the implications of digital technologies on political legitimacy of institutions in our open society? Dr Rogers is hopeful but says it is far from a foregone conclusion.
“Of the countries that voted in the UN to condemn Russia, the ones abstaining or weren't on board were China, India, South Africa – almost half the population of the world,” he points out.
“Even countries, such as Brazil, that did sign on to those condemnations, have been very selective about what exactly they're saying about Russia, and particularly what actions and sanctions they're signing on. So, we’re getting a picture that our liberal democracy curation bubble is shrinking.”
Is there anything a civilian in these information wars can do?
“I guess the most important thing to do is really seek out a plurality of views. And some of its going to be garbage and you will have to be able to filter that. But always remember the picture is certainly not as clear as the one we get through our media.
“To be informed citizens is becoming even harder and harder.”
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